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Internal Intellectual Soliloquies (I_IS)

By Quenton Horton

“…if one intelligent being had created another intelligent being, the latter ought to continue in its original state of dependence; if one intelligent being injures another, it deserves a retaliation; and so on.” –Montesquieu



The Declaration of Independence in its defiance of King George III became a foundational doctrine for royal subjects in the process of secession from the crown; in their (The Founding Fathers) criticisms of their subjection to the crown is an embodied historical moral dilemma of Thomas Jefferson, which is the to say that those seeking freedom continued to use the methods that the Portuguese under Henry the Navigator; and then Spanish; and later the English used to fuel their ambitions—slavery—the Trans-Atlantic human trafficking of African bodies is the dilemma of the Declaration of Independence. Independence of what and for whom; for Jefferson, “…when a long train of abuses” Jefferson is referring to King George III “and usurpations, pursing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right,” the right of the Jefferson and company “it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards of for their future security”. The American Revolutionary War is fought and won; resolved by Treaty of Paris 1783 and Article One, but the how to fund that freedom would become—a century later—the critique of Frederick Douglass in his abolitionist fight for freedom: most of all political agency. Recalling Montesquieu, the injury (Three-Fifths Compromise) to African American community, then and persist to this day, is being reduced a bodily presence; a presence that generates revenue for subsistence of the newly formed Union economic health: without the political efficacy to address/redress the needs of the African American community. The suffrage of African Americans, which for the purpose of this White Paper denotes Black Americans also known as American Descendants of Slavery (ADOS), has been attacked since the passing the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870; the policies, tests, and taxes of discriminatory laws and codes actively suppressed the vote of African-Americans, which actively suppressed the political education of the group.

“He is at the mercy of the mob, and has no means of protecting himself.”

--Frederick Douglass

Slaves chained together.


Since Henry the Navigator received the papal bulls Dum Diversas (1452) and Romanus Pontifex (1455) the disproportionate treatment of African (over time African-American) persons has been the modus operdani of European settlers, explorers, courts, and merchants. The biases against non-Christian Africans of the Portuguese crown extended to the Jamestown in 1640 in the sentencing of John Punch to a life of servitude; whereas his fellow escapees, two white males, had years added to their servitude. The precedent for using civic and penal codes to dictate the lives and actions of sub-Sharan Africans and their descendants was well established by the enactment of the three-fifth compromise in 1787; which makes the removal of Thomas Jefferson’s condemnation of slavery a political move and not a moral lapse in judgement. Given the South’s reliance on free-labor (slave-labor) with the usage of Slave Codes to enforce the cultural prejudice of the Planter Class; it is not beyond reason to deduce that slavery as institutionally served the dual purpose of subjecting Black bodies and malnourishing the Black mind. Thus the subverting of African Americans’ political will to political actors whose platforms intend to keep African Americans in an economic position of dependence such as the case with Peonage; or under the penal code for prison-labor such as Convict Leasing; or the enactment of Black Codes for cheap labor; and passage of Jim Crow to limit access to economic opportunity (opportunity hoard) and segregate schools with asymmetric resource allocation has continued the de facto policy of subjecting Black people and Black bodies to the political will of political actors that do not act to resolve the communities issues and many ways reinforce (if not exacerbate) the problems the community face. The nefarious actions of political and economic actors has been the subject of a number books ranging from Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration In The Age of Colorblindness to Dr. Stephanie Jones-Rogers’s They Were Her Property: White Women as Slave Owners in the American South. Metonyms and tropes that have marred the image of the group internationally as well as has dampened the morale of members within the group to seek political efficacy as a method to redress former ills and injuries. The African-American community’s growth is stifled by non-African American political actors; whose platforms do not redress the “injury” of the past and contemporarily undermine the impact of the “old corruption”. Placed differently, the African-American community has been unable to recover from slavery and slavery’s inter-generational impact due to persistent prejudices, which exclude them from economic enfranchisement and on-going political erasure of African-American issues from political discourse.

To reduce a man to slavery, to buy him, to sell him, to retain him in servitude are real crimes, crimes worse than theft.” –Thomas Jefferson


Article One established the United States sovereignty; however, the new sovereign would eventually fail to eliminate slavery and establish a rigid structure society was developed to enrich the children of European traders’ sans meritocracy. Wars, even those for independence, are not free; the debts owed to the French government (amongst others), then governed by the monarch King Louis XVI, placed pressure on the Union’s leadership to repay their to financial obligations to prospective trader partners and financiers: hence the importance of the Three-Fifths Compromise. For the scope of this paper, the compromise importance is the establishing of representation and taxation of enslaved populations in the South of the newly formed Union. The lack of political representation for the enslaved, buttressed by racial prejudice, rendered the issues of enslaved persons as a tertiary issue for the men of the Constitutional Convention. Jefferson’s condemnation of slavery was removed from a draft of the Declaration of Independence to keep the South’s interest in forming a strong Union. Thus, emancipation of the enslaved bodies would not come until the American Civil War of the 1860s. The South sought more power for their states by having enslaved bodies within population representation after repealing the North’s attempt to abolish slavery altogether. The importance of this shows an on-going political pattern to exclude African-American populations’ issues from being a part of political discourse that would redress the laws, policies, and attitudes that subject the population to the will of those with political agency; the critique of Frederick Douglass in 1865.


The Founder (Devon Lesesne) of Gilded Sages dragged me from my cave knowing well the importance of a political education and being politically viable as a change-agent; the wall of imagination displays the Belle Époque before the arrival of fellow Black Americans dressed as GIs: for in the quirky cave I call a skull that houses this mind I’ve been on Parisian soil since America’s credited Founding Father—British Rebels—fought for freedom. I am quite the fan of metaphysical conceits to frame a relationship between places in time; Belle Époque is Parisian, which stands for my time in Washington—since the Resident Act give Pierre L’Enfant the opportunity to display his penchant for boulevards known here as avenues—are the paths that informed my frame of reference. That is to say the Beautiful Epoch of growing up in Congress Heights will be the source material for many of these White Papers. Cedar Hill being down the hill makes it only appropriate to question the characters on The Hill. Following the tradition of Black Americans scholars’ efforts shall inform these papers and accompany materials, which shall service as Grey Literature for people who(m) live(d)in grey markets and grey spaces. Thus, the notable former resident of Historic Anacostia, Frederick Douglass, within his speech questions of freedom to freedom fighters; however, following Douglass’s line of reasoning brings the questioning to a quick succession of topics that do not involve the creation of a Democratic Republic. An important position to understand the justification made for subjecting people in the ‘old corruption’ although seeking to be free of the old world, and then protected by the ‘Lost Cause’ after the Civil War. For the purposes of examining the promise of the rebelling subject dream Alexis de Tocqueville is employed to construct a common ground for understanding Democracy’s appeal to persons who lived with Monarchal decision-making.

British scholars are biased, which is my American bias and quip, a habit to treat history with a bit of frivolous acceptance is part of being a Camusian Rebel (a signature motif) I wanted to learn what made them (the British Rebels) special in the American narrative; given they were subjects of King George III. If I’m truly honest I really became interested in Benjamin Franklin as a kid seeing that he was on the hundred-dollar bill never having been the president—I wanted to achieve that highly—to never have to be a president: I thought that was winning. In my imagination that meant that Franklin’s insight was perceived to so brilliant that his influence was an institution onto itself; which seems to be the legacy of